Šta EU očekuje od Crne Gore?/What does the EU expect from Montenegro?

Strategija Evropske komisije o kredibilnoj perspektivi Zapadnog Balkana u ocjeni stanja prepoznaje suštinske probleme u zemlji, od elemenata zarobljene države do veza sa organizovanim kriminalom i korupcijom na svim nivoima unutar Vlade, do preplitanja javnog i privatnog interesa. U Strategiji se, takođe i pored ostalog, jasno navodi značaj slobodnih medija, nezavisnog pravosuđa, sprovođenja usvojenih antikorupcijskih mjera, izricanja odvraćajućih sankcija. U skladu sa ovako prepoznatim problemima, insistiranje na većoj posvećenosti u ispunjavanju postavljenih uslova podrazumijeva sve ono u šta nas crnogorska vlast do sada nije ubijedila: odlučnost da suzbije duboko ukorijenje nedemokratske prakse, zloupotrebe i kršenja zakona, odnosno da sprovodi borbu protiv korupcije i organizovanog kriminala koja je sveobuhvatna i neselektivna.

Crna Gora mora ispuniti postojeće zadatke da bi dobila nove, tj. od procjene ispunjenosti postojećih prelaznih mjerila zavisi dobijanje mjerila za zatvaranje najzahtjevnijih poglavlja koja se odnose na vladavinu prava, pa samim tim i za zatvaranje procesa pregovora. Uzimajući u obzir reformske izazove u Crnoj Gori, na osnovu izvještaja Evropske komisije o trenutnom stanju u okviru poglavlja 23 i 24, jasno je da bi godina pred nama morala donijeti velike zaokrete u odnosu na dosadašnju politiku vlasti kako bismo govorili o napretku u ispunjavanju kriterijuma u oblasti vladavine prava. Za bitan iskorak i rezultate u ovim oblastima potrebno je pokrenuti više postupaka za korupciju na visokom nivou koji neće imati karakter unutarpartijskog ili poziciono-opozicionog sukoba. U odnosu na problem visokopolitizovanih institucija, samo promjena rukovodstva u pojedinim od njih može označiti tek početan korak u jačanju njihove nezavisnosti i nepristrasnosti. Potrebne su odlučnije i doslednije reforme, uz sistem odgovornosti i kažnjavanja koji će nas zaista i ubijediti da su institucije nezavisne i svi jednaki pred zakonom.

U 2018. godini nećemo imati fer i demokratske izbore u skladu sa unaprijeđenim zakonodavstvom i uslovima budući da nisu usvojene izmjene za koje je potrebna dvotrećinska većina u parlamentu, a ne možemo se pohvaliti ni unaprijeđenom kontrolom u odnosu na finansiranje političkih subjekata i izbornih kampanja.

Treba uzeti u obzir da Crna Gora nije do kraja ni zaokružila i uskladila zakonodavstvo sa pravnom tekovinom Evropske unije, te da napredak u sprovođenju usvojenog zakonodavstva zahtijeva vrijeme.

S obzirom na to da su partijsko zapošljavanje i višak zaposlenih u javnoj upravi problemi na koje Evropska komisija stalno ukazuje, već sada je jasno da do 2019. godine neće biti postignut značajan napredak na tom polju. Najprije, tokom 2018. godine Ministarstvo javne uprave će, eventualno, izaći sa projekcijom prekobrojnih, budući da je to plan za ovu godinu, bez racionalizacije. Što se, pak, tiče unapređenja procedura zapošljavanja bez obzira na nova rješenja, još uvijek postoji značajan prostor za njihova unapređenja. Najzad, kvalitetan i stalan dijalog je preduslov za demokratizaciju društva, što je sada teško zamislivo bez dijela opozicije u parlamentu.

S druge strane, prepoznajući da su dosadašnji instrumenti bili nedovoljni, Evropska komisija je u Strategiji najavila niz novih inicijativa kojima će podržati transformaciju zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, uključujući i nove mehanizme za jačanje vladavine prava. To zapravo znači da bi trebalo očekivati snažniju posvećenost sa obije strane, ali je odgovornost za usporavanje procesa na crnogorskoj strani. EU i građani očekuju radikalne promjene i rezove odmah, kao što je u samoj Strategiji i istaknuto.

Politikon mreža

***

Naši komentari su objavljeni u dnevnom listu Vijesti: Šta piše u Strategiji za proširenje: EK traži da Crna Gora sa riječi pređe na djela i EU daleko kad nema presuda.

***

The European Commission’s “A credible enlargement perspective” strategy for Western Balkans in its assessment of the current state of affairs recognises substantial problems in the country, from the elements of a captured state to the links to organised crime and corruption at all levels in the government, as well as interweaving of public and private interest. It is, before all, clearly stated the importance of free media, independent judiciary, implementation of adopted anti-corruption measures and pronouncement of dissuasive sanctions. In accordance with these recognised issues, insisting on bigger dedication on fulfilling all imposed conditions means everything what the Montenegrin government hasn’t been able to convince us so far: determination to repress deeply rooted undemocratic practises, misdemeanours and law violations, i.e. to conduct the fight against corruption and organised crime which is comprehensive and unselective.

Montenegro needs to fulfil existing tasks to get new ones, i.e. from the fulfilment of existing transitional criteria for closing the most demanding chapters which are linked with the rule of law. If we take into consideration the reform issues in Montenegro, based on the EC’s report on the current state of play in chapters 23 and 24, it is clear that the year in front of us must bring greater turnarounds compared to the previous policies of the government. For important breakthrough and results in these fields, it is necessary to instigate more procedures on high-level corruption which won’t entail interparty conflict character or government-opposition conflict. Regarding the issue of highly politicised institutions, only change of leadership in some of them can be first step in strengthening of their independence and impartiality. More decisive and consistent reforms are needed, with a system of responsibility and sanctioning which will convince us that the institutions are independent and that all are equal before law.

In 2018, there will be no fair and democratic elections in accordance with improved legislature and conditions since there were no adopted amendments in the parliament which require two-thirds majority. Moreover, we can’t be equally satisfied with the improved control of how political subjects and election campaigns are financed.

What also needs to be taken into consideration is the fact that Montenegro hasn’t concluded harmonisation of its legislature with the EU acquis, while improvement in implementation of the adopted legislature requires time.

Since party-affiliated employment and excess of employees in the public administration are issues which the European Commission constantly indicates, it is already clear that until 2020 there won’t be any substantial improvements in that field. First and foremost, during 2018 the Ministry of Public Administration will, eventually, release its projection of the outnumbered, since this is the plan for this year, without rationalisation. When improvement of employment procedures are concerned, regardless of the new solutions there is still significant area for improvement. Finally, constant and good quality dialogue is a precondition for democratisation of the society, which is now difficult to imagine without the part of opposition being present in the parliament.

On the other hand, recognising that so far instruments were insufficient, the European Commission has announced in the Strategy a number of new initiatives with which it intends to support the transformation of Western Balkan countries, including new mechanisms for strengthening the rule of law. This will mean that it is possible to expect a stronger dedication from both sides, even though the responsibility for the regression of the process should be Montenegrin fault. EU and citizens expect radical changes and cuts immediately, which are clearly pointed out in the Strategy.